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The linkage of development cooperation with migration policies has been promoted widely by international organizations from 2000 onwards. This paper analyses the factors that have prompted and impeded a reorientation of the domina...
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The linkage of development cooperation with migration policies has been promoted widely by international organizations from 2000 onwards. This paper analyses the factors that have prompted and impeded a reorientation of the dominant migration policy-frame within the EU towards the realization of a migration-development nexus. It is argued that external events such as the international debate on the migration-development nexus and the external shocks provoked by the events in Ceuta and Melilla prompted the EU to rethink its traditionally rather narrow approach, focusing on the repression of migration flows. However, the persistence of the established policy-frame and the existing institutional setting limit the scope for balanced policy coordination, introducing development mainly as an instrument of migration policy rather than the other way round. Challenging the literature that argues that there is a necessary trade-off between a development and a security-orientated migration policy, it is shown that this dichotomous juxtaposition hides the many ways in which different orientations can be combined, depending on the institutional context within which they are framed.
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The principle of policy coherence has been the object of a contentious debate in the European Union's external relations, though discussions have been limited mainly to its foreign policy and its ability to speak with one voice in...
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The principle of policy coherence has been the object of a contentious debate in the European Union's external relations, though discussions have been limited mainly to its foreign policy and its ability to speak with one voice in the international arena. Despite being institutionalized in the Treaty of Maastricht, policy coherence for development (PCD), which implies taking into account the needs and interest of developing countries in non-aid policies, failed to make headway in the EU, remaining the unheeded concern of some NGOs and a small group of member states. A change in direction occurred in the early 2000s when the European Commission, taking advantage of a number of favourable conditions and using an astute strategy, managed to set an ambitious agenda for the EU. This article, nevertheless, shows that promoting PCD risks being a 'mission impossible' for whoever attempts it due to the interplay of various issues and interests, the different commitment to international development of the member states, and the EU's institutional framework.
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The article provides an interpretation of the role played by the EU regional policy in the process of urban change experienced in Palermo, the fifth Italian city by population and capital of one of the largest Europe's less develo...
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The article provides an interpretation of the role played by the EU regional policy in the process of urban change experienced in Palermo, the fifth Italian city by population and capital of one of the largest Europe's less developed regions (Sicily). Through an analysis of various EU-funded planning initiatives implemented over the last two decades - from the Urban Community Initiative in the late nineties to the current Integrated Territorial Investments under the 2014-2020 urban agenda -, the work explores their effects from three main perspectives: urban regeneration, local governance, and planning innovation.
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The European Union has always used trade policy measures for development objectives. But the design and content of the EU's 'trade and development' relations have changed considerably during the past five decades. This paper focus...
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The European Union has always used trade policy measures for development objectives. But the design and content of the EU's 'trade and development' relations have changed considerably during the past five decades. This paper focuses on the most recent changes in the Union's common commercial policy vis--vis the South, looking at three levels: The EU role in the multilateral negotiations of the WTO Doha Development Agenda, Europe's bilateral trade agreements with third countries and regions and its unilateral market access schemes through the Generalised System of Preferences. Although historical factors continue to determine the EU's position in these areas, a relatively new European trade and development agenda can be discerned. More specifically, it is argued that two trends have underlined recent changes in this area. First, there is a drive towards reciprocal trade relations, in line with the WTO regime. Even Europe's unilateral and bilateral trade relations are increasingly streamlined with the multilateral trade rules. Second, there is a growing emphasis on regulatory issues, capacity building and aid for trade. This new and broad trade agenda illustrates the European position that promoting free trade is not sufficient for economic development of the South. However, the paper concludes that the EU's new commercial policies are not consistently development oriented, and that more coherence between trade and aid policies would be needed.
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EU development policy conforms reliably to a stable and predictable policy-cycle between 1957 until the early 2000s. After that, we see a shift towards more explicitly frame-based outputs utilising the mechanism of policy nexuses....
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EU development policy conforms reliably to a stable and predictable policy-cycle between 1957 until the early 2000s. After that, we see a shift towards more explicitly frame-based outputs utilising the mechanism of policy nexuses. This article, drawing on a range of primary policy documents and key case studies, illustrates the difference between the first era by which EU development retains a stable process within the boundaries of the policy cycle and the subsequent shift to the use of 'framing' to bind a series of separate activities to the core of development policy via the use of 'policy nexuses'. The article concludes with reflections on the resulting seminal changes to the EU's overall approach to development, and its implications for the EU as a development actor.
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Personalized medicine (PM) is an emerging approach to prevention, diagnosis, treatment and care. It helps to address the challenge of the aging of the population, an increase in chronic disease and increasing healthcare costs. The...
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Personalized medicine (PM) is an emerging approach to prevention, diagnosis, treatment and care. It helps to address the challenge of the aging of the population, an increase in chronic disease and increasing healthcare costs. The EU is developing policies to move toward PM. This is underpinned by a sustained and significant investment starting in 2010. So far, a total of (sic)3.2 billion has been invested in PM research across the medical innovation cycle 'from bench to bedside'. This investment has come from the research framework programs FP7 and Horizon 2020. About a third of the total investment has been made in the context of the Innovative Medicines Initiative, the largest public-private partnership in life sciences globally.
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The EU has an interest in determining the form of internal reforms in China, as well as a lot of experience and know-how to share. Due to this fact it tries to support the process of Chinese transformation, in the form of various ...
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The EU has an interest in determining the form of internal reforms in China, as well as a lot of experience and know-how to share. Due to this fact it tries to support the process of Chinese transformation, in the form of various sectoral dialogues with China as well as by implementation of many projects financed by the EU.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the EU policy towards China in the context of Chinese regional policy that struggles with growing inequalities between provinces. It examines the EU assistance programmes for China as well as sectoral dialogue concerning regional policy to answer the question whether the EU regional policy, with its 20 years of experience, could possibly be the pattern form China.
Firstly, a short outlook has been given on regional inequalities in China. Secondly, the EU assistance programmes and sectoral dialogue have been analysed. Finally, the major research problem -what are the limitations of the EU's assistance influence on China - has been investigated.
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Summary Motivation The European Union (EU) has securitized its development policy with migration conditionalities, resulting in the subordination of development objectives to the externalization of migration control. This has call...
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Summary Motivation The European Union (EU) has securitized its development policy with migration conditionalities, resulting in the subordination of development objectives to the externalization of migration control. This has called into question the legitimacy and effectiveness of EU development policy while failing to provide a solution that prevents future refugee crises. How can these trends be reversed? Purpose This article examines the feasibility and implications of peacebuilding conditionalities as an alternative to migration conditionalities with the aim of addressing the root causes of refugee crises, ensuring the effectiveness of EU development policy, and preserving its legitimacy. Methods and approach The article outlines a theoretical framework to categorize development policy conditionalities and better understand their strengths and weaknesses. This is followed by an analysis of the EU’s financial, legal, and electoral framework in order to evaluate peacebuilding conditionalities as an alternative policy option. Findings Peacebuilding conditionalities limit the ability of donor countries to influence migration behaviour while promoting capacity development by ensuring stability in migrants’ countries of origin. Replacing migration conditionalities with peacebuilding conditionalities is a feasible policy option in the current EU framework that can help prevent future refugee crises while encouraging synergy between Member States in development co‐operation—a promising policy area for European integration. Policy implications Peacebuilding conditionalities for development co‐operation would constitute a legitimate, effective, and integrating alternative to migration conditionalities at a time of crisis for the European project. With the prospect of a ceasefire in Libya, this would be especially suitable for a post‐conflict scenario.
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This paper traces the evolution of the EU's development policy since the mid-1990s in response to the changing international political environment and the EU's priorities. These changes are reflected both in broader policy stateme...
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This paper traces the evolution of the EU's development policy since the mid-1990s in response to the changing international political environment and the EU's priorities. These changes are reflected both in broader policy statements such as the Statement on Development Policy (2000) and the European Development Consensus (2005), but also in a serious of accompanying administrative reforms. The paper reviews the Commission's pursuit of 'co-ordination' and 'complementarity' across both its own and the member states' aid programmes and then turns to the important issue of 'policy coherence for development'. Finally the paper considers the remaining policy, organisational and administrative issues that remain to be addressed.
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This paper challenges approaches that expect unavoidable decline in developmental state capacities as a result of European market integration. Using Romania's automotive industry as its case study, the paper shows that deep integr...
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This paper challenges approaches that expect unavoidable decline in developmental state capacities as a result of European market integration. Using Romania's automotive industry as its case study, the paper shows that deep integration with the EU forecloses protectionist strategies and builds state capacities for FDI-based development instead. While Romania was initially a weak state, deep integration with the EU helped develop its core state institutions and sectoral developmental state capacities. The EU strengthened state autonomy vis-a-vis domestic actors and increased its ability to broker win-win deals among these actors and multinational corporations. It also helped create elementary state institutions that could foster industrial upgrading. The Romanian state used these capacities to enable the initial investment of multinational corporations and to incentivize them to engage in further expansion and upgrading, rather than merely to use Romania as an assembly platform. However, the state has, to date, made little effort and little use of the EU funds to broaden the scope of the beneficiaries from market integration, thereby contributing to an MNC-led exclusionary developmental pathway. While weak states might not fully use the opportunities offered by deep integration with the EU, this integration still provides more opportunities than threats for their developmental agency.
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